If those are just the values that serve the group, this doesn’t sound very distinct from “groups try to enforce norms which benefit the group, e.g. public goods provision” + “those norms are partially successful, though people additionally misrepresent the extent to which they e.g. contribute to public goods.”
It’s entirely possible that I misunderstood or missed some of the points of your Moral public goods post and then reinvented the same ideas you were trying to convey. By “public goods model” I meant something like “where we see low levels of redistribution and not much coordination over redistribution, that is best explained by people preferring a world with higher level of redistribution but failing to coordinate, instead of by people just not caring about others.” I was getting this by generalizing from your opening example:
The nobles are altruistic enough that they prefer it if everyone gives to the peasants, but it’s still not worth it for any given noble to contribute anything to the collective project.
Your sections 1 and 2 also seemed to be talking about this. So this is what my “alternative model” was in reaction to. The “alternative model” says that where we see low levels of redistribution (to some target class), it’s because people don’t care much about the target class of redistribution and assign the relevant internal moral faction a small budget, and this is mostly because caring about the target class is not socially rewarded.
Your section 3 may be saying something similar to what I’m saying, but I have to admit I don’t really understand it (perhaps I should have tried to get clarification earlier but I thought I understood what the rest of the post was saying and could just respond to that). Do you think you were trying to make any points that have not been reinvented/incorporated into my model? If so please explain what they were, or perhaps do a more detailed breakdown of your preferred model, in a way that would be easier to compare with my “alternative model”?
seems like you need some story for what values a group highly regards / rewards
I think it depends on a lot of things so it’s hard to give a full story, but if we consider for example the question of “why is concern about ‘social justice’ across identity groups currently so much more highly regarded/rewarded than concerns about ‘social justice’ across social classes” the answer seems to be that a certain moral memeplex happened to be popular in some part of academia and then spread from there due to being “at the right place at the right time” to take over from other decaying moral memeplexes like religion, communism, and liberalism. (ETA: This isn’t necessarily the right explanation, my point is just that it seems necessary to give an explanation that is highly historically contingent.)
(I’ll probably respond to the rest of your comment after I get clarification on the above.)
I don’t think that it’s just social justice across identity groups being at the right place at the right time. As a meme it has the advantage that it allows people who are already powerful enough to effect social structures to argue why they should have more power. That’s a lot harder for social justice across social classes.
It’s entirely possible that I misunderstood or missed some of the points of your Moral public goods post and then reinvented the same ideas you were trying to convey. By “public goods model” I meant something like “where we see low levels of redistribution and not much coordination over redistribution, that is best explained by people preferring a world with higher level of redistribution but failing to coordinate, instead of by people just not caring about others.” I was getting this by generalizing from your opening example:
Your sections 1 and 2 also seemed to be talking about this. So this is what my “alternative model” was in reaction to. The “alternative model” says that where we see low levels of redistribution (to some target class), it’s because people don’t care much about the target class of redistribution and assign the relevant internal moral faction a small budget, and this is mostly because caring about the target class is not socially rewarded.
Your section 3 may be saying something similar to what I’m saying, but I have to admit I don’t really understand it (perhaps I should have tried to get clarification earlier but I thought I understood what the rest of the post was saying and could just respond to that). Do you think you were trying to make any points that have not been reinvented/incorporated into my model? If so please explain what they were, or perhaps do a more detailed breakdown of your preferred model, in a way that would be easier to compare with my “alternative model”?
I think it depends on a lot of things so it’s hard to give a full story, but if we consider for example the question of “why is concern about ‘social justice’ across identity groups currently so much more highly regarded/rewarded than concerns about ‘social justice’ across social classes” the answer seems to be that a certain moral memeplex happened to be popular in some part of academia and then spread from there due to being “at the right place at the right time” to take over from other decaying moral memeplexes like religion, communism, and liberalism. (ETA: This isn’t necessarily the right explanation, my point is just that it seems necessary to give an explanation that is highly historically contingent.)
(I’ll probably respond to the rest of your comment after I get clarification on the above.)
I don’t think that it’s just social justice across identity groups being at the right place at the right time. As a meme it has the advantage that it allows people who are already powerful enough to effect social structures to argue why they should have more power. That’s a lot harder for social justice across social classes.