You may be right about the EO. At the time I felt it was a good thing, because it raised the visibility of safety evaluations at the labs and brought regulation of training, as well as deployment, more into the Overton window. Even without follow-up rules, I think it can be the case that getting a company to report the bad things strongly incentivizes it to reduce the bad things.
I could carry on debating the pros and cons of the EO with you, but I think my real point is that bipartisan advocacy is harmless. You shouldn’t worry that bipartisan advocacy will backfire, so we can’t justify engaging in no advocacy at all out of fear that advocacy might backfire.
If you believe strongly enough in the merits of working with one party to be confident that it won’t backfire, fine, I won’t stop you—but we should all be able to agree that more bipartisan advocacy would be good, even if we disagree about how valuable one-party advocacy is.
You may be right about the EO. At the time I felt it was a good thing, because it raised the visibility of safety evaluations at the labs and brought regulation of training, as well as deployment, more into the Overton window. Even without follow-up rules, I think it can be the case that getting a company to report the bad things strongly incentivizes it to reduce the bad things.
I could carry on debating the pros and cons of the EO with you, but I think my real point is that bipartisan advocacy is harmless. You shouldn’t worry that bipartisan advocacy will backfire, so we can’t justify engaging in no advocacy at all out of fear that advocacy might backfire.
If you believe strongly enough in the merits of working with one party to be confident that it won’t backfire, fine, I won’t stop you—but we should all be able to agree that more bipartisan advocacy would be good, even if we disagree about how valuable one-party advocacy is.