I don’t see that this addresses my comment. The “currently controversial” claims are controversial because there are plenty of people who’re convinced that they’re going too far in the wrong direction, so it’s no surprise if some of them are lost ground to people who think, for instance, that the relative levels of protection should be more favorable to women.
The “controversial” issues have seen more social and legal address than the “uncontroversial” ones, because feminists are a much more effective lobby group, and have mostly moved past the “obviously reasonable” issues on their own end and are moving the borders of the “currently controversial,” while MRA has more or less failed to effectively agitate for even their “uncontroversial” positions, let alone the “controversial” ones, so the activists addressing the “controversial” issues are almost all coming from the feminist side.
In my original comment, I wasn’t trying to divide controversial from non-controversial. I was dividing MRA from feminist.
In brief, my perception was feminist = social dynamic, MRA = legalistic. That’s an over-generalization, but I thought it was interesting—and a partial explanation of the difficulties you noted with alliances between the reasonable on each side.
Analytically, this helps one explain the interactions between MRA and feminists without assuming oppression is a necessary part of the human condition, it’s all status games, or that either side is innately evil.
My response to that point was that feminism seems less legalistic now because the low hanging fruit which could readily be addressed by legislation largely already has been, so social dynamics and things that are not easy to address with legislation (at least in the current political climate) are what’s left.
“Equal pay for equal work” is sort of a holdout, in that an employee can legally sue their employer for discriminatory practices for not providing equal pay for equal work, but on the other hand, companies aren’t required to divulge their pay standards, either to all their employees or to any oversight body charged with ensuring equal salaries. So while it’s generally regarded as “uncontroversial,” its legal protection is very incomplete in large part because the measures necessary to guarantee it are opposed to business interests which are themselves a powerful lobbying force.
It’s not that feminism is inherently less legalistic than MRA (at least, I don’t think we have the evidence to conclude that,) but that the difference in focus is largely due to the gap in the amounts of ground the movements have already covered.
I don’t see that this addresses my comment. The “currently controversial” claims are controversial because there are plenty of people who’re convinced that they’re going too far in the wrong direction, so it’s no surprise if some of them are lost ground to people who think, for instance, that the relative levels of protection should be more favorable to women.
The “controversial” issues have seen more social and legal address than the “uncontroversial” ones, because feminists are a much more effective lobby group, and have mostly moved past the “obviously reasonable” issues on their own end and are moving the borders of the “currently controversial,” while MRA has more or less failed to effectively agitate for even their “uncontroversial” positions, let alone the “controversial” ones, so the activists addressing the “controversial” issues are almost all coming from the feminist side.
In my original comment, I wasn’t trying to divide controversial from non-controversial. I was dividing MRA from feminist.
In brief, my perception was feminist = social dynamic, MRA = legalistic. That’s an over-generalization, but I thought it was interesting—and a partial explanation of the difficulties you noted with alliances between the reasonable on each side.
Analytically, this helps one explain the interactions between MRA and feminists without assuming oppression is a necessary part of the human condition, it’s all status games, or that either side is innately evil.
My response to that point was that feminism seems less legalistic now because the low hanging fruit which could readily be addressed by legislation largely already has been, so social dynamics and things that are not easy to address with legislation (at least in the current political climate) are what’s left.
“Equal pay for equal work” is sort of a holdout, in that an employee can legally sue their employer for discriminatory practices for not providing equal pay for equal work, but on the other hand, companies aren’t required to divulge their pay standards, either to all their employees or to any oversight body charged with ensuring equal salaries. So while it’s generally regarded as “uncontroversial,” its legal protection is very incomplete in large part because the measures necessary to guarantee it are opposed to business interests which are themselves a powerful lobbying force.
It’s not that feminism is inherently less legalistic than MRA (at least, I don’t think we have the evidence to conclude that,) but that the difference in focus is largely due to the gap in the amounts of ground the movements have already covered.