Thank you for your critique of and insights about what I find to be a remarkable and provocative, though far from perfect, work by Henrich. On a quick read of Schulz (2019), the reference Henrich uses for Fig. 9.6 on p. 315, it appears that the data for that figure come from the Iberian Peninsula, the Carolingian Empire, and Roman Britain. That is, the communes and city-states of Italy are only a small component of the entire dataset. Perhaps this fact explains why your observations and conclusions are at variance with Henrich’s. From your comments, one might conclude that what the Italian peninsula received a “dose” of was Rome, rather than the Church, and so its data would have been less relevant for Schulz and Henrich’s immediate thesis—though could address a different thesis, perhaps involving how an “inoculation” with a dose of Rome leads to immunity against subsequent “infection” by the Church. Other of your comments make me suspect that the Church was, to a degree, “Rome by other means,” those other means largely excluding force of arms. Again, thanks for bringing your expertise to bear on this fairly enormous subject.
Thanks for your comment, nels. Sorry I did not see them earlier. The chart on p. 315 is chronological. so while the cities of Roman Europe (including the Iberian peninsula) were lively politically, they were in decay by the fifth century- but there has to be some sort of ‘plus’ representative government in Roman areas before then (e.g. search ‘Pompeii politics’). So after the Roman collapse the main urban areas are the Arab cities and it is only slowly that urban life in Europe revives. (The shortlived (770-843 AD) Carolingian empire was not urban- rather the centres of power were the court and monasteries.) Chris Wickham sees the first representative governments in northern Italy as c.1100. It is hard to know how Schulz choose his cities (I am longing to get to a university library to check his sources!) but he seems to assume that once a city is marked as having a town council it remains in the chart as a representative government from then on (so a steady line UPWARDS as new cities come in). Yet we know that many of the most prosperous Italian cities fell under one family rule after c.1300 so his chart should then start going DOWNWARDS as representative governments are lost for this prosperous region.
After the banning of pagan cults in the 390s by the Roman emperor Theodosius, the Catholic church was the only institutional religion in town and it is still with us so ANY development in European society correlates with its existence (as do cold winters). Henrich’ error is to suggest that the Church caused these developments when there are perfectly good historical reasons (mostly economic) for the revival of European cities in the Middle Ages.At the very least he should have challenged conventional historical explanations to sustain his thesis but I wonder if he is even aware of them.
One day he will be challenged for his view that the church broke up kinship groups as, being unaware of the Roman ban on cousin marriages and their individual landholdings, he does not realise that intensive kinship had been broken up centuries before his start date of 400 AD. I am amazed that it has not been already done.
Thank you for your critique of and insights about what I find to be a remarkable and provocative, though far from perfect, work by Henrich. On a quick read of Schulz (2019), the reference Henrich uses for Fig. 9.6 on p. 315, it appears that the data for that figure come from the Iberian Peninsula, the Carolingian Empire, and Roman Britain. That is, the communes and city-states of Italy are only a small component of the entire dataset. Perhaps this fact explains why your observations and conclusions are at variance with Henrich’s. From your comments, one might conclude that what the Italian peninsula received a “dose” of was Rome, rather than the Church, and so its data would have been less relevant for Schulz and Henrich’s immediate thesis—though could address a different thesis, perhaps involving how an “inoculation” with a dose of Rome leads to immunity against subsequent “infection” by the Church. Other of your comments make me suspect that the Church was, to a degree, “Rome by other means,” those other means largely excluding force of arms. Again, thanks for bringing your expertise to bear on this fairly enormous subject.
Thanks for your comment, nels. Sorry I did not see them earlier. The chart on p. 315 is chronological. so while the cities of Roman Europe (including the Iberian peninsula) were lively politically, they were in decay by the fifth century- but there has to be some sort of ‘plus’ representative government in Roman areas before then (e.g. search ‘Pompeii politics’). So after the Roman collapse the main urban areas are the Arab cities and it is only slowly that urban life in Europe revives. (The shortlived (770-843 AD) Carolingian empire was not urban- rather the centres of power were the court and monasteries.) Chris Wickham sees the first representative governments in northern Italy as c.1100. It is hard to know how Schulz choose his cities (I am longing to get to a university library to check his sources!) but he seems to assume that once a city is marked as having a town council it remains in the chart as a representative government from then on (so a steady line UPWARDS as new cities come in). Yet we know that many of the most prosperous Italian cities fell under one family rule after c.1300 so his chart should then start going DOWNWARDS as representative governments are lost for this prosperous region.
After the banning of pagan cults in the 390s by the Roman emperor Theodosius, the Catholic church was the only institutional religion in town and it is still with us so ANY development in European society correlates with its existence (as do cold winters). Henrich’ error is to suggest that the Church caused these developments when there are perfectly good historical reasons (mostly economic) for the revival of European cities in the Middle Ages.At the very least he should have challenged conventional historical explanations to sustain his thesis but I wonder if he is even aware of them.
One day he will be challenged for his view that the church broke up kinship groups as, being unaware of the Roman ban on cousin marriages and their individual landholdings, he does not realise that intensive kinship had been broken up centuries before his start date of 400 AD. I am amazed that it has not been already done.